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In it he wrote "I ask that future priests, from their time in the seminary, receive the. With special emphasis on ancient music the Vocal Ensemble. Gregorian Chant i s a vital and important [ Gregorian chant a s c omplier anxiety [ Canto Gr egoriano co mo r ed utor de [ This is an ambient soundscape featuring a. As an invited guest by the Brazilian Federal Government, in October of ,.
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Images cannot always distinguish the two. Here the small drum is missing. Percussion dominates slightly, both in the rectangles and the total. There is a slight tendency for like instruments to cluster, e. A pipe and a flute are next to each other on the south wall. Percussion instruments are often clustered, but it may be an accidental effect due to their abundance. The lower part — the descent — shows the dying man on the front verandah of his one-story house. Amida gazes at him, ready to fetch his spirit. Near the top of the raigo Amida reappears, now in the last phase of his journey.
He looks left to a two-storey mansion in the Pure Land. Two successive moments are shown in the same raigo. The reduction may be due to the small space available. The ascent is less well preserved, and one cannot tell if all instruments have returned safely. Layout: The 11 instruments of the descending party lie on gentle curves colored brown in the line drawing. There is considerable leeway in drawing the paths, but the musicians arrive on both sides of Amida. In that sense the path matches the line in raigo I. Since the instruments are confined to a narrow space one can rank them based on position.
The front is taken by an hourglass drum. Two strings follow, and further back are winds and percussion instruments. A large red drum with an aureole cf. The instruments are similar to those on the triptych, but four are missing: harp, flute, panpipes, and clapper, a heterogeneous selection which leaves the pie chart similar to that of the triptych. The ascending orchestra is difficult to discern — apart from the large red drum. Azalea shrubs represent the fast-flying clouds which carry the Bodhisattvas.
They lie on two paths, both heading toward the dying person. The forked path is marked with brown arrows in the lower half of Fig. Two small drums head the entourage, and their loud and rhythmic music cheers the man sitting on the porch of his house. As before, a large drum lumbers at the rear. The pie-chart resembles the previous ones with its emphasis on percussion.
Such labeled raigos are very rare. The utility of the names comes to the fore when we equate them to the names of the 25 Bodhisattvas mentioned in a thirteenth century Ode section 2. Many of the instrument names in the Ode are well-known, but some are not, e. Its Chinese graph41 has two components, both currently in use as characters on their own,42 but the combination into one character is unknown.
The cartouches may provide a solution: we can see what instrument is drawn. Unfortunately, the method does not yield a straight-forward answer. Some instruments with known shapes and names are wrongly identified, e. The raigo shows Amida surrounded by 25 Bodhisattvas, each with a halo and garment of light golden color.
But there are two additional figures, both with shaven heads and cloths of dark color. This dictionary contains most kanji characters ever used in classical Japanese, but in this case it offers no comment on the meaning, although it gives the pronunciation as C: ji; J: kei. I am grateful for expert help by Professor Mary Anne Cartelli who energetically explored the ji-character.
This pair of monks also appears on raigo VI. Only 17 cartouches are visible. Nine Bodhisattvas lack them, all located on the right side of the picture. In the line drawing of Fig. They are labeled with the line number of the Ode. In addition, each instrument is identified by the painted image, and its name in appropriately colored font is placed above the box. For four instruments the image agrees with the name in the Ode: large drum, mouth organ, flute, and koto.
But many cases disagree, see Table 1. Layout: The instruments lie on a smooth path folded around Amida. The only difference is a lithophone added and a pipe subtracted, arithmetic that increases the percussion percentage. The single-element lithophone has the L-shape familiar from the ancient Zhou dynasty ritual orchestras.
A gong hangs in a frame surrounded by an aureole that looks like a small version of those on large drums. The introduction of the gong and the lithophones may have occurred in the fourteenth century. Here they are numbered progressively away from the central sculpture. The complete arrangement is shown in the lower part of Fig. They are drawn as monks with shaven heads. As discussed above, they are important figures in Japanese Buddhism, but neither is a musician, nor mentioned in the Ode.
This sun-and-moon motif is most unusual and not clearly understood. Rather than giving the names in the cartouches, I chose to give the line number in the Ode section 2. Here the set of numbers are complete, unlike the case of raigo V where many cartouches were missing. I use the same scheme as for raigo V: black rectangles give the line numbers, and the names of the instruments identified in the Ode; the instruments actually drawn are named in colored letters above each rectangle.
Column three of Table 1 summarizes the data. The same five instruments hourglass drum,49 mouth organ, flute, koto, and large drum found to agree with the text in raigo V, agree here too. In addition, lute and harp do. Of course, that may also have been the intention on raigo V, but there is no certainty with both cartouches missing. This gives a corpus of seven instruments named consistently by fourteenth and fifteenth century raigo painters.
It includes at least two instruments from each of the three groups of strings, winds, and percussion. Layout: Here all 25 of the Bodhisattvas are identified, and for the first time we can see how these correlate spatially with the Ode. The Bodhisattva on line 1 of the Ode is painted on the second scroll of the northern set, and Bodhisattva 2 on the second scroll in the southern set. The layout proceeds back and forth between north and south until Bodhisattva 13, where more complex pattern starts.
Apparently, the Ode only served as a partial guide to the visual organization. The pie diagram is similar to those above with the percussion ca. The stone structures lie on a picturesque slope between tall cedars and are surrounded by fences made of narrow chiseled stone slabs Fig. The walls of the mausolea display Bodhisattvas in shallow relief Fig. Including Amida, there are 25 figures. The Ode has 25, excluding Amida. Figure 11 gives the complete sets of instruments. The earliest mausoleum has no reliefs on the front, but the later one has: it shows flying gandharvas at positions 29 and 30 Fig.
Both hold a pair of drum sticks but share a large drum. The mausolea were produced a century after the Nisonin scrolls, and the choice of instruments has undergone substantial changes. The main corpus is still intact flute, koto, lute, small and large drum , but new additions have crept in panpipes,51 conch trumpet,52 and leaf whistle There are now many more large drums but with decreased size.
They are mounted on pedestals, but their aureoles are still prominent. Layout: Each building has 12 instruments, but they are not identical. With the addition of the apsaras on the front, percussion increased on the latest mausoleum. It also has the complete Amida triad, but only Amida himself appears on the first structure.
The seven chosen here are representative and show most of the musical features characteristic of the genre. On the first raigo, an eleventh-century triptych, Amida and his entourage are a symmetric composition with static character. Later raigos show the heavenly party flying directly toward the dying person, and some also add an illustration of the return to the Pure Land. Rapid raigos give the impression of fast motion. The Ode by Pseudo-Genshin mentions 12 instruments, but early images show more, Images on the seventeenth century mausolea have the required 12 but add new instruments not mentioned in the Ode.
At all times the percussion group dominates. The small hourglass drum often took position at the front and the large cylindrical drum at the rear. Strings followed the front drum. Winds and the rest of the percussion came next. Hideyasu assisted in the battle of Sekigahara which brought Ieyasu to power. M: M: , The whistling leaf was a venerable Chinese instrument.
James C. It has 33 lines and the first three carry an assurance that Bodhisattvas will come with music and greet the dying. They are named in the next 25 lines here indexed with Arabic numerals , as are the object they carry, twelve of them being musical instruments. The last five lines of the Ode express a wish that Amida will appear at the moment of death. The translation is based on the one published in ,55 but revises the names of the instruments.
Column 1 has the name in the Ode. The next two columns have the instruments given to the Bodhisattvas in the raigos with cartouches. The forth column gives the instruments shown on a raigo from Ode to the Twenty-five Bodhisattvas A. Salutation and obeisance to the vows of the twenty-five Bodhisattvas of Paradise. Who promise that they will appear at the moment of death to the folk who receive and sincerely practice nembutsu. Proffering auspicious signs of music and unusual fragrances, the Bodhisattvas come to greet the dying. How wonderful! The lotus throne of the Bodhisattva Kannon bears all of us up to Paradise.
The prayerful gesture of the Bodhisattva Seishi symbolizes the nonduality of wisdom and mental concentration. The collection was reissued in , , and , and von Siebold probably acquired the last reissue. The banner of the Bodhisattva Fugen points out the path to perpetually obedient humanity. The boisterous cavorting of the Bodhisattva Shishiku taps out edification, reaching downward for unenlightened folk.
The swaying sleeves of the dancing Bodhisattva Darani exhort unenlightened folk to seek upward for spiritual awakening. A similar posture is seen on the Matsudaira mausoleum of , Fig. SO, ed. The composite expression is rare. In Japanese both kanji characters usually refer to the koto. Since koto is spelled out in hiragana characters on line 13, another type of zither is probably meant here, possibly the ancient Japanese wagon. It has indigenous roots in Japan unlike the koto which probably developed from an imported Chinese zheng, MALM note 30 , p. The strings of the harp64 of the Bodhisattva Sankai-e teach the principle of quiescence and Absolute Reality.
A hapax legomenon. See notes 41 and When the shaft is twisted, tiny pellets swing out and hit the drum skins. There are two translations of jie: i the ancient name for a Xiongnu [or Khitan, see Edwin G. Edward H. The drum was introduced to the Chinese court during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong , who composed 92 pieces for it, which made the drum extremely popular.
It has a lacquered cylindrical body which rests on a horizontal platform. The burning incense of the Bodhisattva Muhenshin is offered respectfully to venerate Amida Buddha. I pray that thou, Amida, thanks to thy unsurpassed, compassionate vow, may come to receive us in person at the death hour through our single-hearted remembrance of thee I desire to be reborn on hearing of the power of the Original Vow of the Buddha and his name. May all people attain that land and may I myself achieve the stage of not back-sliding!
Since the Ode became popular in the thirteenth century, the two raigos with cartouches are late enough to, possibly, have been influences by it. Table 1 enables a comparison of the instrument names. As mentioned earlier, there is a set of six instruments mouth organ [line 10], In Japan the drum was called kakko. By itself, the first character of the kanji pair M: , is pronounced katsu but, when followed by ko drum , the full name becomes kakko.
According to the kanji dictionary, the drum was used by the Katsu tribe in China. The kakko was and is popular in Japan, and its shape is the same as the one given by Nan Zhou. But the kanji pair above was rarely used. Instead, it is given by another kanji character plus ko which, in turn, is rare in China. The word is mostly combined into mohe, the name of an ancient Manchurian tribe. Thus, in China the spool-shaped drum was called jiegu using a character that associated it with an ancient tribe that had lived west of Beijing, although Nan Zhou said it came from Central Asia i.
In Japan the same drum was called kakko, using a kanji character associating it with an ancient Manchurian tribe. For these lines the painters associated Bodhisattvas with the instruments given in the Ode. But several other instruments disagree with the Ode. On line 6 the Ode does not mention rhythm or dance, but raigos V and VI have the same two drums as on line 7, although in reversed order.
This might be reasonable if lines 6 and 7 had parallel construction, but it is not the case. There is no verb in line 6 that alludes to percussion. Columns 2 and 3 agree internally on the instruments that belong to the Bodhisattvas of lines 9, 12, 18, and 20, but disagree with the instruments of the Ode. The mutual consistency and independence from the text indicate that painters ignored the Ode and copied from each other or from an unknown source. The identity of the instrument on lines 16 is not known, and I had hoped that the raigos would show them. But line 16 is contradictory: the three sources disagree gongs, lithophones, and metallophones.
However, these instruments have one thing in common: all are struck by metal hammers. The hammers are shaped like the letter T, distinctly different from the shape of a mallet a small ball attached at the end of a stick. The former is hard and capable of putting a hard percussion instrument into vibration. The latter is soft and mostly used on drums. The artists who drew the raigos distinguished the two. Column 4 has excellent correlations with the Ode, e. The agreement extends to lines 12 and 20, and makes the correspondence perfect.
By the Ode had finally become the blue-print for raigos. After the death of the historical Buddha a difficult period followed. He had been the son of a king and had enjoyed the palace orchestra, both music and female musicians. They had played harps, flutes, pipes, and percussion. Eventually he rejected courtly life, left home, and gained enlightenment. Music came to be seen as one of the depravities of his youth, a corrupting force and an aid to seduction.
It decreased comprehension. His court orchestras may have been rejected by Buddha, but they now gained esteem and were imitated by rulers in converted regions. Music was not only a mental pleasure but held symbolic value in the Pure Land. They are clear and serene, full of depth and resonance, delicate, and harmonious; they are the most excellent sounds in all the worlds of the ten directions. In the western skies purple clouds will be floating, flowers will rain down and strange perfumes will fill the air in all directions.
The sound of music is continually heard and golden rays of light streams forth. In brilliant rays which dazzle the eyes, he will appear. At the time of death, the merciful Kannon, with extended hands of a hundred blessings and sublimity and holding out a lotus seat of treasures, will appear before the believer.
One piece of evidence is the Taima mandara,78 which was imported from China in the eight century. A border runs along the right, left, and bottom edges, and it is subdivided into many small scenes. The one in the lower right corner illustrates Amida descending to greet a dying person resting in his house Fig. Its diameter is smaller than its length, a geometry which set it apart from the large drum dadaiko with aureoles seen on raigos. With its large size and position at the rear end of a procession, it foreshadows the use of huge drums on raigos and in the Gagaku ensemble.
But the most important musical aspect of the Taima mandara are the two orchestras shown in the black rectangle in Fig. Figure 14 shows the details. The large orchestra has adult members seated in two rows, and the small one has babies who stand in a pool. Presumably, the babies are adults reborn with red socks in the Pure Land. The adult orchestra has eight instruments with two zithers next to each other at the left front, and a lute at the right front. Strings are prominent, but winds are also present flute, pipe, mouth organ and conch trumpet.
Percussion is absent. The baby orchestra has only two instruments, a lute and a drum. Two seated persons in the background sway in dance-like motion. The iconography derives from sacred texts about the Pure Land. It is enclosed on every side, beautiful, brilliant with four gems, viz. There are heavenly musical instruments always played on. KANDA note 1, p. Now we find instruments and orchestras on this eighth century image, and the instruments will eventually increase in numbers on raigos painted centuries later. Did instruments in the two countries differ?
There are numerous Chinese images of orchestras, but I limit the analysis to cave 85 at Mogao, Dunhuang, Gansu Province. The interior is nearly quadratic Fig. Paradise B has typical musical subjects Fig. Higher up are small scenes, including flying instruments without players — similar to the Taima mandara composed a century earlier. Like the Taima mandara, each of the Pure Lands has Amida and his chief Bodhisattvas in the central area.
Below them are terraces with gardens and pools. In all cases but one C , a large orchestra sits on a terrace. Scaffolding was in place, allowing close- up photography without parallax or other distortions. This cave is illustrated in many places, e. In each orchestra the musicians sit in neat rows and wear identical cloths and hairstyle.
One or two dancers are on the dance floor. Paradise E has a pair of dancers, one playing a drum and the other a lute. The lutenist holds the instrument behind the head and gives the performance an acrobatic air. Both dancers make tall leaps, as if descending from heaven. The adoption of instruments by dancers is unique in cave 85, but other Dunhuang caves have it.
This clarifies seating arrangements and choice of instruments Figs. There is a great variety of orchestra size, from the complete lack of instruments in Paradise C, to the grand ensemble of 28 instruments in Paradise B. In hindsight it is clear that cave 85 was a lucky choice. It has great variety within one room and at one time. Most of the depictions are clear enough to allow unambiguous identification of the instruments.
We notice that: i. Most orchestras have 16 instruments, but the huge B-orchestra has 28 instruments. There are 22 types of instruments, namely: a. There is a pie chart under each half of the orchestra. These show that the left and right sides usually are asymmetrical: one group of instruments dominates on one side while another group 95 E. Notice also an acrobatic mermaid not dancing carved on a stone medallion inv. She holds a lute behind her head. As an example, consider Fig. Yet, with left and right sides added in the lowest pie, strings, winds, and percussion are more balanced.
The orchestra in Paradise B stands out Fig. In addition to the left and right instrumental sections next to the dance floor, each has an additional percussion group seated further out on a higher platform. Both percussion groups have identical instruments, but the seating differs slightly. But more precise statements can be made since the study involves a fairly large number of instruments, and a large sample exhibits relatively small statistical fluctuations. The data contains 27 types of instruments and I parcel them into two groups: 1 Raigo instruments in seven cases raigos 2 Cave 85 instruments in five cases A-B, D-F Instruments of each type are added for each group.
The results should be normalized, but one could argue for several different approaches. Alternatively, one could divide each population in 1 with the total number of instruments in 1. This would give percentages of the totals. A three-way analysis of statistical data Figure 24 gives the results as a histogram. The numbers along the abscissa identified the instrument type with the key given in the caption , and the ordinate is proportional to the population.
The data in groups 1 and 2 are plotted as black and gray bars. Cave 85 contains 21 types of instruments, namely those on the left of the vertical dash-dot line. Some types have few members e. On the other hand, pipes no. The largest — both in physical size and popularity — is the dadaiko drum, which now dominate all other types. On the left side of the dash-dot line, most instruments occur in both groups but with different distributions.
Pipes no. I believe these results are sufficiently large to survive different ways of normalizing the data. The suppression of pipes and trumpets and the enhancement of zithers and drums can be explained as an effect of the Ode influencing the raigos. Pipes and trumpets are not mentioned in the Ode, but zithers, the kakko-drum and the dadaiko-drum are.
As a result, the latter received a considerable boost in Japan. At first sight harps seem to disobey the rule.
Canto Nono by Nuno Moura
They are mentioned in the Ode, still angular harps no. However, vajra harps 25 took the place of angular harps, and if the two are added, harps lose less ground. Back in the ninth century China had them, but thereafter their popularity dwindled in all of the Far East. He believes that the Emperors played the instruments including harps. Instrument present in cave 85 but absent on raigos: Conch trumpet All five Paradise orchestras in cave 85 have a conch trumpet.
There are no conches on the raigos examined here except at the very end of the tradition, on the mausoleum Fig. Nor are they mentioned in the Ode or shown on the raigo. Instrument present on raigos but absent from cave Large vertical drums with aureoles The last instrument mentioned in the Ode is the large drum dadaiko, Fig. Apparently, the aureole was introduced between these dates.
Aureoles were also put behind Buddhist deities cf. Amida, Fig. Flames are thought to devour passion and consume desire.
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The huge drums look theatrical but are in line with Buddhist faith. Instrument present on raigos but absent from cave Vajra harp Vajra harps are hardly known outside Japan. They have a low, flat, and horizontal soundbox of nearly cylindrical shape. An S-shaped rod rises vertically from one end of the box, and has a vajra attached at the top.
Depictions of vajra harps are rather inconsistent. Strings are often missing, and the sound box is sometimes replaced by ribs that mark the outline Fig. Its aureole is over 3 m in height. In Chinese and Japanese esoteric Buddhism it is an implement with multiple functions. Because of the unrealistic designs, working models may not have been available for raigo painters to copy. In contrast, instruments that existed lutes, flutes, large drums, zithers, etc. I doubt vajra harps existed in the material world and believe they were imaginary. Clearly, this environment saturated with vajras stimulated the idea of a vajra harp.
It was a religious symbol where the sound was of minor importance. It resembles the one drawn on the triptych raigo Fig. The instrument is shown on a red lotus throne against a golden background, and red rays emanate from it. Vajra harps continued to be illustrated for a millennium on Japanese mandaras. Its western sub-temple is Saiin. For Fig. This head lies firmly in Chinese tradition — just as the vajra belongs to esoteric Japanese Buddhism. With the large box and many strings, the Chinese version seems more sensible than the vajra harp — and more likely to have been a real instrument.
One is the Taima mandara. Many copies were made and they differ slightly. The other type of art is a Japanese screen from the fourteenth century. The vajra harp looks much like that on Fig. Different placement of instruments on raigos and in cave 85 A large difference between orchestras on Japanese raigos and in China orchestras is the seating arrangement. Chinese musicians sit in straight and rigid rows, often in spaces defined by rectangular carpets.
They are stationary. By contrast, raigos have them placed along gentle curves colored brown in Figs.
O Canto Entrevista – North Stand Loyal (português-english)
The orchestra is moving toward the dying person. This arrangement was largely an indigenous development outside the mainstream Chinese way with orchestras. But it should be noted that the eight-century Taima mandara Fig. Japanese raigo painters developed the idea much further. It may be inappropriate to look for outside influences, but if any were to look, Indian images come to mind. Indian orchestras avoid grid positions. Mark Paris, New York, , Fig. The dimension is They are entertained by dancing and music from an orchestra with two arched harp, with 9 and 5 strings, a trumpet, a side-blown flute, and percussion.
The instruments fall approximately on semi-circles centered on the couch. Influences are a matter of speculations, but it is worth noting that Japan, China, Central Asia, and India were closely connected through exchange of Buddhist imagery during the second millennium CE. Instruments present on raigos but absent from cave large percussion sections Orchestras on raigos tend to have larger percentage of percussion than in cave Although such a high percentage can be found in cave 85, it is rare. But the increased percussion component may not necessarily be a Japanese phenomenon.
It could also be due to the later date of Japanese raigos, at least two centuries after cave 85, and at that late date China may have developed equally high percentages. Beside the usual instruments, there is also a conch trumpet and leaf whistle, instruments that reappeared seven centuries later on the Matsudaira mausoleum. In other words, orchestras with large percussion sections were not unique to Japan. Individual instruments are shown in detail, and groupings are clear. There are 22 distinct types of instruments — not counting various sizes of each type Figs.
The size varies between 11 and 28 instruments, and 14 is the most frequent number. To put the instruments in perspective, five complete Chinese orchestras were brought into the picture. All come from cave 85, a ninth-century monument from western China. The Japanese and Chinese sets largely overlap, indicating that raigo instruments hark back to the Chinese models depicted several centuries earlier. Most likely, the Japanese instruments were part of the extensive importation of Buddhist culture which began in the sixth century.
As Buddhism spread to the Far East, it created a demand for such western instruments. In addition, secular Central Asian ensembles had been appreciated in the Chinese capital since, at least, the sixth century, and that could hardly have failed to impress Japanese visitors. In size, too, the raigo groups resembled those in China. The five ensembles in cave 85 have 16, 16, 17, 20, and 28 instruments. But the lay-out differed. Symmetry ruled the ensembles in cave 85 and musicians sat in rigid rows on either side of a dance floor. In raigos the placement is relaxed, and the musicians take their place along gently curving arcs.
The Japanese and Chinese orchestras present two different visual impressions, and it is tempting to extend the notion to the musical sphere. Continuing with the lay-out, we notice a more subtle aspect. In raigo paintings instruments from the same family strings, winds, or percussion tend to cluster together. Figure 1 illustrates the effect: the right section contains all the string instruments — but also a drum. These narrow clusters are spread across the whole orchestra, rather like different condiments in a fruit- and-nut cave.
Viewed as a whole, the orchestra is heterogeneous. The same trend influences the seating arrangements in cave 85, and this is seen most clearly on the pie-diagrams. Figure 23 shows winds dominating on the left side, strings on the right side, but neither side is completely homogeneous. With both sides combined, there is thorough heterogeneity, and each of the groups strings, winds, and percussion has the same share. To clarify the images, I have included line drawings. The great profusion of instruments, ensemble combinations, and seating arrangements, may be analyzed in various ways.
I start by comparing the populations of the four categories of instruments strings, winds, untuned percussion, and tuned percussion in different cases. Cave 85 has slightly different distributions. The difference may depend on date rather than place: cave 85 was painted relatively early mid-ninth century , and three centuries later when raigos were produced in Japan, Chinese orchestras may have had equally dominant percussion sections. Whatever the case, large percussion sections are unusual by modern standards.
It is unclear if the images represent ensembles that could have existed in the physical world or if they were purely imaginary. But instruments and ensembles look perfectly As discussed, vajra harps were purely symbolic instruments. The choice of instruments, and numbers of instruments between 9 and 23 , varies from region to region. What is characteristic of the ensembles on raigos and in cave 85 — about 15 instruments with a sizable percussion section and strings and winds sharing equally — is also found on the band from Kucha.
With its harp, zither, two lutes, mouth-organ, flute, pipe, panpipe, cymbals, and 8 drums it resembles the groups in Figs. Either they have too few instruments, or the percussion section is too small. Given the fame of Kucha musicians, their orchestra may well have become the model to emulate on religious art. In addition, it would have been eminently suited to music-making both in China and Japan. Greatly slimmed-down versions are still played at the Taimadera temple in Kyoto.
It was common in cave 85 but almost absent on raigos. XIV twelve musicians — an unusually high number for pottery figurine. This make unexcavated groups useless for our purposes. The corpus of books, their organization, the kinds of notational system in the chant books, and other aspects, linked to liturgical chant, in general display homogeneity. From the second half of the 14th century onwards, and definitively from the 15th century, there may be seen a well visible transition to a different period of chant and liturgical organization, which ended with the formation of the national system, unique and unmistakable.
The boundary between the two periods has its origins in various factors, not all of which are well understood scientifically at present. However, one of these factors is indisputable, and has to do with the change from the Studite liturgical system to that of the Jerusalem Typikon, which began in the second half of the 14th century.
The replacement of one system with another took some time, and the two systems coexisted and, at times, competed, for some centuries. It is probable that a similar situation obtained at the earliest period of liturgical celebration in Russia. Though the oldest surviving parchment manuscripts, written in Old Slavonic, belong to the end of the 10th century-midth century, they probably testify to the liturgical practices of both traditions of the period preceding the official conversion of Russia.
The liturgical tradition of the East, which was entering Russia at this time, supposedly came in two different waves: one came directly from Byzantium, the other resulted from the Southern Slavic assimilation of the Byzantine rite. Petersburg , F. With the development of monasticism in the main cities, such as Kiev, Vladimir, Rostov, Novgorod, after the official conversion, it became necessary to formulate a rule, which respected the connection between celebrations in the city cathedrals and monasteries.
This rule was set out in the Studite Typikon in the redaction of Patriarch Alexis, and was in effect for the liturgical system in Russia from the 11th to the 14th at some places until the 15th and 16th centuries. In the Russian manuscript tradition, six complete copies of the Studite Typikon survived, written in the period between the end of the 11th century and the 16th century, and some fragments from the 12thth century. These copies were directly connected to liturgical practice, and preserved its variations. Each of the nine redactions, as with the Byzantine and South Italian examples, or those from Mount Athos, provides a particular local version of the monastic or cathedral service, displaying different levels and different qualities in the interconnections between the two practices, cathedral and monastic.
Corresponding to the various redactions of the Studite Typikon, the Russian liturgical chant books from the relevant period also reflect different liturgical practices. The versions closest to the celebrations according to the rite of the Great Church of Agia Sophia of Constantinople are a small group of Kontakaria, which give the Slavonic version of the 4 A.
Petersburg, , p. V tserkovno-slavyanskom perevode po russkim rukopisyam gg. Petersburg, , pp. Six of them7 have survived, and the oldest is from the end of the 11th or beginning of the 12th century, being, therefore, more than a century older than comparable books surviving from Byzantium.
The main notation of the Russian Kontakaria, though having Byzantine roots, is not precisely similar to any kind of notation. In Russian books it is used principally for the repertory of the Asmatikon. Some characteristics of the Russian Kontakaria, such as the generic roots of the book, the presence in them of hymns from the asmatike akolouthia, the type of notation, the probable melodic style, are close to the Russian Kontakaria for the cathedral rite.
However, there are a number of points that allow one to hypothesize the use of these books within the liturgical system of the Studite Typikon. Firstly, the oldest manuscript of a Kontakarion is the second complete part of a liturgical book. The first part of the book known as the Tipografsky Ustav s Kondakarem 8 is a copy of the Studite Typikon, which, although it contains some rubrics from celebrations according to the cathedral rite, would seem to have belonged to a monastery.
In addition, the genre of the kontakion itself belongs to both liturgical traditions. Secondly, a further element of the Kontakaria that leads one to suppose that these books may have been used monastically is the notation. As well as the main type of notation — Kondakarian — the Tipografsky and Blagoveschensky Kontakaria contain Znamenny notation for example, in the aforementioned photagogika and Gospel stichera in the Blagoveschensky Kontakarion , the main notation in hundreds of Russian liturgical books from the 11thth centuries, belonging to the monastic rite. On the other hand, amongst these one finds, although very rarely, fragments with Kondakarian notation.
Three of these books belong to the 12th century and three to the 13th. A facsimile and study of this manuscript are currently being published in Moscow. Wherever the Kontakaria were used, they continued to be the most important transmitters of information concerning local elements of celebrations according to the rite of the Byzantine cathedrals in Russia. However, there exists another, relatively small, group of Studite chant books, either un-noted or with only Znamenny notation, which reveal the influence of these celebrations.
One example may be found in an anthology from the 14thth century,15 Festal Menaion, Triodion and Pentekostarion , in which may be seen the indication for the reading of the Gospel after the sixth ode of the canon, according to the normal practice of Byzantine cathedral rite celebrations. Liturgical celebrations according to the Studite rule, in general well known, are organized into three annual cycles, one weekly cycle and one daily. The oldest of the annual cycles are cycles from the Menaion and Triodion, the most recent that of the Octoechos. The Menaion cycle attributes to each day of the calendar the commemoration of a saint or group of saints, or of an event in the life of the Church, commemorated always on the same date every year.
The Triodion cycle is not fixed, its dates being connected to those of Lent, Easter and Pentecost, depending on the date of Easter the Paschal cycle. In Table 1, in which an hypothetical reconstruction of the celebrations according to the three annual cycles is presented, it is supposed that Pascha falls on 23rd April. XLV, St. Between this feast and the beginning of the week of the Publican and the Pharisee of the following year, the Triodion cycle continued with the order of readings, coinciding with those of the Menaion and Octoechos cycles.
The third annual cycle, that of the Octoechos, began on Sunday of All Saints with the attribution of the 8th tone. On the following Sundays the tones rotate repeatedly from 1 to 8. The Octoechos sequence finished on the 5th Sunday of Lent, in the same way as in the Studite and Jerusalem traditions. However, as far as the connection between the Triodion and Octoechos cycles is concerned on Lenten weekdays, these two traditions are very often found to be incompatible.
Each of the eight tones of the Octoechos ran for an entire week. Each day of the week, however, had its own dedication or dedications. These dedications were not definitively fixed almost until the new Typikon came into force in Russia. The same phenomenon may be seen in the books of the Southern Slavs.
Table 2 shows the differences between the dedicatory systems, as shown in the Matins canons from two Russian Paraklitiki17 and the Serbian Octoechos Tip. The dedications for the weekdays, as well as those of the commemorations of the Menaion and Triodion cycles, were applied to the cycle of daily liturgical services.
John Chrysostom, the Divine Liturgy of St. The daily celebrations of Divine Liturgy, Vespers and Matins account for the greater part of the chants. In the other services intoned reading of psalms predominated, only rarely intercalated with troparia, and prayers. The whole collection of chants for Divine Liturgy, Vespers and Matins may be divided into two groups: the fixed and the variable.
The fixed chants, in Byzantium as in Russia, were noted down only very late. This is the reason for the Divine Liturgy, in which fixed chants are the majority, being the most enigmatic service in melodic terms.
Vespers and Matins also have fixed chants, and the situation is similar to that of the Liturgy. However, it is also in these services that the majority of the variable chants is used, from the cycles of the Octoechos, Menaion and Triodion. It is the variable chants that are to be found in many surviving sources, and allow us to obtain some idea as to the melodic aspect of these services.
In Table 3, one may see the composition of Vespers, a more compact service than Matins, in three festal cases: the Afterfeast of the Birth of the Theotokos and Sts. Matins is a more extensive service, and includes several sections, made up by sung or recited psalms, including antiphons, psalm verses intercalated with the troparia on God is the Lord , alleluia or stichera, troparia of various kinds, litanies, prokeimenon, Gospel readings, the lives of the Saints and other prayers. However, one of the largest and most important sections is the canon.
The canon includes, apart from readings, no less than nine kinds of canticles. The possibility of reconstructing the canon in detail as regards its performance in Studite practice leaves a number of doubts, given the fact that the Russian Typika of the time do not aim to explain but simply to remind the reader of what is obvious. For this reason, in Table 4 an attempt at such a reconstruction is made. The canon chosen is that of the Feast of St. Sabbas, on 5th of December. The source is a Russian Znamenny Menaion of the 12th century;18 the Typikon used for the reconstruction dates from the same century.
The use of the Octoechos is prescribed by Typikon , which indicates for this situation a combination of two canons: first one from the Octoechos, and then that for St. Sabbas, whose stikhi the Typikon must here be referring to the troparia are doubled. The way in which the ode is to be divided is not mentioned for this day, but a division into ten has been used, as prescribed in many similar festal situations. The counting of the troparia was done with reference to the above-mentioned Paraklitiki from the 12thth century.
The litanies, though never mentioned by Sinod. These hymns appear in the books with three kinds of notation: Kondakarian, which has already been mentioned, Fita notation and Znamenny notation, the chief notation in Russian sources, with origins in palaeo-Byzantine chant. Znamenny notation has various levels of complexity, which are reflected in the neumatic content.
Another, rarer, type uses unusual symbols and appears in more complex melismatic chants. Some of these hymns introduce kondakarian neumes into the main Znamenny notation. These cases are associated with melismatic stichera compositions dedicated to Russian saints, which, when they were written down had not yet attained the stability of a written tradition;22 an example is the sticheron to the first Russian martyrs, Boris and Gleb, in the Sticheraria of the Menaion Russian National Library, Sof.
Moving on to an examination of the general characteristics of Russian and Slavic liturgical books of the Studite era, it is useful to recall the principal sources of information concerning them. It was published in Moscow in , and includes information on manuscripts, of which 78 have notation. The quantity of books mentioned in the Preliminary List is 1,, amongst them 1, from the 14th century. Of these, however, only six of the latter have notation. Even examining superficially the proportion of notated to non-notated manuscripts from the 14th century, one arrives at the conclusion that the data in the Preliminary List is incomplete, something confirmed several times by scientific publications discussing different aspects of the manuscript tradition.
In Appendices I and II there was added information concerning books from the 12thth centuries that had not been included in the previous Catalogue, and corrections to the material published therein, relating to bibliography, dating of the books or sections of them, more exact information concerning their composition, and identification of the various scribes. The entire corpus of notated liturgical books may be separated into two large groups. The first group comprises collections of hymns of the same genre. As far as their function is concerned, these books probably served as manuals of information, and were not intended for use during services.
Some of the collections belong to a liturgical cycle, for example, the collections of stichera of the Sticherarion of the Menaion. They all contain Znamenny notation, and in four cases the main notation is supplemented by Fita notation and Kondakarian notation. This group of manuscripts is completed by a Bulgarian fragment for the feast of the Dormition from the midth century, in Fita notation. The Sticherarion of the Triodion assemble the stichera of the Lenten Triodion and the Pentecostarion in the same book. Seven complete Russian Znamenny manuscripts survived, written between the 12th and the 14th century, and fragments of a 12th century manuscript,24 which belonged to the Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos.
Copenhagen, The level of variety tends to increase for the great feasts. Another factor that contributed to the compositional instability of the stichera is the introduction in some of them of complementary genres, such as the sedalen, the svetilen and troparia. The irmoses of the canons are found collected in the Heirmologia. All the neumatic Heirmologia surviving in Russian libraries are of Russian origin, and contain exclusively Znamenny notation. Petersburg of the Hilandar Heirmologion.
The Heirmologia contain the hymns for all three annual cycles. With regard to the time at which the Russian Heirmologia appeared, from the 12th and 13th centuries, all the surviving manuscripts are neumatic. From the 14th century onwards, with the exception of the fragment mentioned above, all the Heirmologia four complete Russian books, one Russian fragment and one Serbian fragment are not notated.
The Kontakaria already mentioned mix variable hymns of the three cycles with fixed hymns.